“The Brotherhood from Power to Division… A Crisis of Organization or Organization of a Crisis”… The title of a new book that reveals the details of the sharp division in the terrorist group, then how to structure and manufacture the new group for organization, ways to adapt it, and its plan to return to the scene again.
Behind the scenes and details of the division and the outcome of the organization? .. monitored in a new book recently issued by Madbouly’s library, the Emirati academic Dr. Muhammad Bashary, a researcher in the field of Islamic thought and also serves as the Secretary-General of the World Council of Muslim Communities, and the Egyptian researcher Maher Farghali, who specializes in the affairs of political Islam movements.
Researcher Maher Farghali confirmed in an exclusive interview to “Al-Ain News” that the new book, which is in 6 chapters (288 pages), seeks to clarify the danger of the Brotherhood organization, its adaptation, structuring and new plan.
Farghali said that the book monitors the Egyptian Brotherhood’s exposure to a number of internal divisions and disintegrations from 2016 until now, the end result of which was to put the crack open in public, then the organization to market the file of reconciliation and accuse each party of the other as communicating with the Egyptian regime secretly for reconciliation.
He highlighted that the organization has developed a systematic plan to restructure and manufacture a new group that will be a loose union in which each branch chooses its own tactics to achieve short-term goals, which is the Islamization of the popular bases and then the incursion to gain power again.
The book deals with the state of division witnessed by the Brotherhood recently between two fronts and two conflicting entities, each of which has a guidance office, a Shura Council and media entities that express it: the London Front led by Ibrahim Munir, who took over the acting guide following the arrest of Mahmoud Ezzat, the historical leadership in August 2020, in contrast The Istanbul Front, led by Mahmoud Hussein, the former secretary general of the organization.
The book identified 4 reasons for the sharp division that struck the organization, which are: The absence of influential leaders and effective organizational cadres, whether they are in prison or fleeing abroad, and the existence of a state of conflict within the group that began in 2015 and the authors called it “the war of powers, influence and money.”
Among the reasons for the division are; The overthrow of a large number of the organization’s leaders, such as Amr Darrag, and the failure of the attempt to confuse the group against the Egyptian state during the past years.
The book traces how the group was divided into 4 groups and teams, each with a leader, fighting over the body of the group, after the fall of Mahmoud Ezzat, and they are: the first belongs to Ibrahim Mounir in London, the second belongs to Magdy Shalash, one of the leaders of the Egyptian interior during the period that followed the fall of the Brotherhood’s rule, and the third belongs to Mahmoud Hussein, and the fourth owes allegiance to the group’s office in Qatar.
The book explains the relations of Brotherhood leaders and Western intelligence services, “The Mahmoud Hussein and Ibrahim Mounir group own funding and relations with the Turkish and British intelligence services, which suggests the continuation of the conflict between the two fronts during the coming period.”
In light of the sharp division that hits the organization, has the Brotherhood ended? The book’s authors answer that “there is a new, smarter generation of political Islam represented by young people angry at the group’s old age, and helped by the fact that the organization has the ability to crush dissidents, kill internal disagreements, no matter how long they last, and also obtain good funding.
The book indicates that the current divisions indicate shifts in their elements with regard to their view of some issues and a total shift in how to deal with what were considered their own constants.
In its first section, entitled (The Struggle for Organization), the book draws attention to how the year 2021 made a difference in the internal divisions, which affected many files.
He stressed that the clearest accusation between the Brotherhood is the failure to adhere to the group’s bylaw, which has not undergone any real amendments since it was implemented by the group’s first guide, Hassan al-Banna.
He also referred to the “war of powers, influence and money”, accusing each group of illegality, as each of them began working to freeze the other party, to start a war of powers and organizational roles, until we reached the most important event in 2021 when Ibrahim Mounir took over the leadership of the organization, with the aim of He reunited him, and found that many of the elements rejected Mahmoud Hussein and the decisions he was making.
The book pointed out that Ibrahim Munir’s front and the group’s office in London saw that the decisions of the Shura Council were not taken into account, because it did not reach the legal quorum, and that most of its members were either imprisoned or fugitives in different countries, and that the Council never met legally, but the Front Hussein announced that the council held more than 12 official meetings, and issued decisions by the same mechanism and the same people during the past years, including a decision to form the first administrative committee and others, leading to the exemption of Ibrahim Munir and the formation of a committee to carry out the work of the general guide led by Mustafa Tolba.
The book singled out “structural disruption” in the group’s joints, the difference over confrontation and confusion with the Egyptian state, how groups of specific committees were formed after the Rabaa sit-in dispersal, the group’s decision to mobilize demonstrations and marches throughout the republic, and how individual armed operations arose, and other groups with individual initiatives.
And the Brotherhood’s leadership demonstrated the success of the armed qualitative committees to remain under their control at all times, especially after some members declared or hinted at the necessity of leaving armed with weapons. At that time, the statement of the so-called (Kinana scholars) came out to legislate for these groups the evidence for the permissibility of carrying arms and fighting.
According to the book, after the fall of their rule in Egypt, the group began to “structure” the process of the anti-regime movement and divide it into two parts: the first “general” section is responsible for peaceful marches and activities, and the second section is considered important because it attracts qualitative semi-armed work, from the group’s members Those who are known for their full loyalty to the organization, who will secure the marches, block roads, and sometimes set fire to the electricity kiosks, and their armament will be at its maximum for each “person with a cartridge.” She also worked to expand the Shura Council of the International Organization, and to hold a periodic meeting of the regions and the auxiliary agencies.
In its second section, which came under the title (The Division), the book confirmed that the explosion of the Brotherhood comes from the “middle”, and that over the course of more than two years, four administrations of the Brotherhood were formed, where most of them were arrested and a few of them succeeded in getting out of Egypt in different ways and the rest of the leaders of the center Under these circumstances came the real crisis of the group.
The book explained the failure to contain the youth wings, and the matter did not end there. Rather, the conflict became open between the media committees of the group; He attacked Turkey’s office, the other one in London, and the Muslim Brotherhood journalist, Muhammad Nasser, attacked the “Azmi Bishara” media and how they get millions of dollars.
On the sidelines of this crisis of non-containment, the book explained the emergence of a group of interactions due to organizational collapse, and splinter youth entities appeared either on the right or the left of the group, or chose latency and isolation.
In the following sections of the book, there was talk about domestication with development, the new structure of the group, and what development would be for the sake of return.
In this regard, the book talked about the divisions being real or artificial, indicating that in the Brotherhood model, especially its Egyptian branch, the movement of the organization varies between (the jurisprudence of empowerment) and (the jurisprudence of weakness), which will allow latency, coloring and wearing different masks until the goal is reached), answering To a question: Is division to market reconciliation? And how is reconciliation? What is the difference between it and the review?
The book dealt with the impact of the Brotherhood’s division in Egypt on all its branches and entities, so that no entity of the international organization of the Brotherhood was spared the curse of schisms and conflicts that left a major rift in its organizational structure.
The book also provided answers about the effects of confusion and conflict over the leadership of the global organization, and the fragmentation of entities and branches, addressing the struggle of wings in Tunisia, Algeria, Sudan, Jordan and Morocco.
The book talks about how the group made movement in a time of crisis, and its new plan to transform it into a general trend, polarization and alienation by new means, and how to create a new media.